Gender Theories

Almy et al. (1984) - Media representations of gender reinforce culturally dominant (hegemonic) ideas about gender which represent males as dominant and females as subordinate. Media representations not only stereotype masculinity and femininity into fairly limited forms of behaviour, but also provide gender role models that males and females are encouraged to aspire to.

However, Gauntlett (2008) points out that sociological analysis of media representations needs to be cautious, because of the sheer diversity of media in Britain.

Traditional media representations of femininity

Women are generally represented in a narrow range of social roles by various types of media, whilst men are shown performing a full range of social and occupational roles. Tunstall (2000) argues that media representations emphasise women’s domestic, sexual, consumer and marital activities to the exclusion of all else. The media generally ignore the fact that a majority of British women go out to work. Men, on the other hand, are seldom presented nude or defined by their marital or family status.

• Working women are often portrayed as unfulfilled, unattractive, possibly unstable and unable to sustain relationships. It is often implied that working mothers, rather than working fathers, are guilty of the emotional neglect of their children.
• Tuchman et al. (1978) used the term symbolic annihilation to describe the way in which women’s achievements are often not reported, or are condemned or trivialised by the mass media. Often their achievements are presented as less important than their looks and sex appeal. Newbold’s research (2002) into television sport presentation shows that what little coverage of women’s sport there is tends to sexualise, trivialise and devalue women’s sporting accomplishments.
• Research into women’s magazines suggests that they strongly encourage women to conform to ideological patriarchal ideals that confirm their subordinate position compared with men. Ferguson (1983) conducted a content analysis of women’s magazines from between 1949 and 1974, and 1979 and 1980. She notes that such magazines are organised around a cult of femininity, which promotes a traditional ideal where excellence is achieved through caring for others, the family, marriage and appearance. However, Ferguson’s ideas were challenged by Winship (1987), who argued that women’s magazines generally play a supportive and positive role in the lives of women. Winship argues that such magazines present women with a broader range of options than ever before and that they tackle problems that have been largely ignored by the male-dominated media, such as domestic violence and child abuse.
• Wolf (1990) suggests that the images of women used by the media present women as sex objects to be consumed by what Mulvey calls the male gaze. According to Kilbourne (1995), this media representation presents women as mannequins: tall and thin, often US size zero, with very long legs, perfect teeth and hair, and skin without a blemish in sight. Wolf notes that the media encourage women to view their bodies as a project in constant need of improvement.
• Content analysis of teenage magazines in Britain indicates that almost 70% of the content and images focus on beauty and fashion, compared with only 12% focused on education or careers. Many encourage the idea that slimness=happiness and consequently Orbach (1991) suggests that such media imagery creates the potential for eating disorders.

The media as empowering women

Key Point - Sociologists have noted the increasing number of positive female roles emerging, especially in television drama and films. It is argued that these reflect the social and cultural changes that females have experienced in the last 25 years, especially the feminisation of the economy, which has meant that women are now more likely to have aspirational attitudes, a positive attitude towards education, careers and an independent income. Westwood claims that we are now seeing more transgressive (i.e. going beyond gendered expectations) female roles on British television as a result.

Gill (2008) argues that the depiction of women in advertising has changed from women as passive objects of the male gaze, to active, independent and sexually powerful agents. Gauntlett (2008) argues that magazines aimed at young women emphasise that women must do their own thing and be themselves, whilst female pop stars, like Lady Gaga, sing about financial and emotional independence. This set of media messages from a range of sources suggest that women can be tough and independent whilst being ‘sexy’.

Traditional media representations of masculinity

Easthope (1986) argues that a variety of media, especially Hollywood films and computer games, transmit the view that masculinity based on strength, aggression, competition and violence is biologically determined and, therefore, a natural goal for boys to achieve.

However, the 1980s saw the emergence of a new breed of glossy magazines aimed at middle class young men, such as GQ, Maxim and FHM. The content of such magazines often suggested that:

• men are emotionally vulnerable
• they should be more in touch with their emotions or feminine side
• they should treat women as equals
• they should care more about their appearance
• active fatherhood is an experience worth having.

These magazines were seen by some commentators as evidence of a new type of masculinity – the new man. Media representations of this new type of masculinity led to post-modern sociologists speculating that masculinity was responding to the growing economic independence and assertiveness of women. The media trumpeted the metrosexual male, a type of masculinity that was focused on appearance and fashion and which championed masculine values as caring and generous. The metrosexual male was thought to be in touch with his feminine side, useful around the home and considerate towards his female partner.

However, Gauntlett argues that there are still plenty of magazines aimed at men which sexually objectify women and stress images of men as traditionally masculine. Rutherford suggests that these magazines are symbolic of what he calls retributive masculinity – an attempt to reassert traditional masculine authority by celebrating traditionally male concerns in their content, i.e. ‘birds, booze and football’.

Whannel (2002) notes that mass media stories about and images of David Beckham are contradictory, in that they stress Beckham as representative of both metrosexual and retributive versions of masculinity. Whannel notes that media representations of Beckham are fluid – his good looks, his football skills, competitive spirit and his commitment mark him out as a traditional ‘real man’. However, this image has been balanced with alternative media representations that stress his metrosexuality, particularly his emotional commitment to his family and the fact that he spends a great deal of time, effort and money on his image.

Theoretical perspectives on media representations of gender

Liberal feminism

Liberal feminists believe that media representations lag behind the reality of social and economic conditions. However, they acknowledge that representations of women have changed significantly for the better in the last thirty years. Some liberal feminists have noted that women’s progress as media professionals has slowed down in recent years. The majority of media owners are male and influential positions within the media such as media executives, newspaper editors, senior journalists, producers, television and film directors, and heads of television programming are also dominated by males.

Marxist and socialist feminism

Marxist, or socialist, feminists believe that the roots of the stereotypical images of men and women in the media are economic. They are a by-product of the need of media conglomerates in capitalist societies to make a profit. The male-dominated media aim to attract the largest audience possible and this leads to an emphasis on the traditional roles of men and women in sitcoms, game shows and soap operas. The alternative images of women encouraged by feminism, e.g. as assertive career women, do not fit easily into this type of media content and consequently such women are ignored, devalued or treated critically.

The media emphasis on women’s bodies as projects is the result of the growth of the cosmetic and diet product industries. It is estimated that the diet industry alone is worth $100 billion a year in the USA. Marxists note that the marketing strategies of these industries deliberately manipulate women’s anxieties so that they can be exploited as consumers of body-related products.

Radical feminism

Radical feminists argue that traditional hegemonic images of femininity are deliberately transmitted by a male-dominated media to keep women oppressed into a narrow range of roles. This creates a form of false consciousness in women and deters them from making the most of the opportunities available to them and consequently men’s patriarchal power is rarely challenged. Radical feminists believe that it is no coincidence that, at the same time as women are achieving greater social, political and professional equality, media products symbolically relegate them to subordinate positions as sex objects or motherhousewives.

Post-modernism

Gauntlett (2008) focuses on the relationship between the mass media and identity and argues that the mass media today challenge traditional definitions of gender and are actually a force for social change. There has also been a new emphasis in men’s media on men’s emotions and problems, which has challenged masculine ideals such as toughness and emotional reticence. As a result, the media are now providing alternative gendered images and ideas, which are producing a greater diversity of choices for people in constructing their gender identities.